DeMause, Lloyd Overview. Publication Timeline. Most widely held works about Lloyd DeMause. Most widely held works by Lloyd DeMause. The history of childhood by Lloyd DeMause Book 80 editions published between and in English and held by 2, WorldCat member libraries worldwide Essays discuss childhood during the medieval through nineteenth century periods and examine changing parental attitudes toward their children. The New psychohistory by Lloyd DeMause Book 12 editions published between and in English and Chinese and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide Ben shu zhong dian miao shu le shi jie zhu ming ren wu ru ji xin ge, Fa wang lu yi shi san, Bi si mai, Luo si fu deng ren de xin li li cheng, Fen xi le tong nian huan jing zai ren ge xing cheng guo cheng zhong de ju da zuo yong.
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Received on The same goes for their opponents — the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, who were supported by independent African nations, by socialist states and by non-state groups and activists from several Western countries. The armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism depended on money, weapons, medical supplies and, of course, political support. The article will follow the emergence of a West German solidarity movement from its first organized activities in the early s until the peak of protest a decade later.
Due to the fact that non-state actors rarely kept records, this paper is based on the current state of research and additional sources from archives and contemporary press reports.
The Portuguese government had sympathized with the National Socialist regime in Germany, but had remained neutral during the war. Therefore, the relations between the two countries were not strained after By the early s, the two states had developed close economic, military and political ties within the framework of the Cold War and NATO. In return, the West German army built its first foreign base in Portugal. Profitable economic cooperation and West German military aid enabled the Portuguese government to keep the war machine in Africa running until After , a new West German government led by the center-left Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands SPD, Social Democratic Party of Germany was cautious not to appear as a supporter of Portuguese colonialism and tried to scale down its close relations with Lisbon.
Delegations of the movements were officially received in Berlin and the East German government sent shipments of civilian and military goods. After independence, the GDR involvement in Mozambique and Angola even intensified, following the escalating civil and Cold War conflicts Schleicher, 13, Many foreign students had experienced political struggles against dictatorships, imperialism and colonialism in their home countries.
From their peers, West German students learned about the political situation in countries like Algeria, Angola or Iran, and eventually individuals and small groups began to protest and act in solidarity Slobodian, 13 ff. Most journalists of the major newspapers left in protest when they realized that the press-conference would criticize a West German NATO ally. The VDS carried on addressing the obvious West German-Portuguese cooperation, which turned into a main focus of protest.
As a reaction, the VDS launched a public statement condemning Portuguese colonialism and calling for an end to West German military aid Slobodian, 21 ff. In the case of West Germany, the close cooperation between the FRG and the Portuguese government generated a reason for activists to not only express solidarity but also protest their own government.
In light of the German arms used by the Portuguese in Africa and the economic interests of West German companies in Portugal and its colonies, the solidarity movement felt obliged to act and fight the causes and agents that allowed the wars in Africa to continue.
Furthermore, the role of foreign students in West Germany should be emphasized, as Quinn Slobodian argues in his study about internationalism in the FRG. Therefore, they have to be recognized as independent agents who facilitated the development of internationalism and solidarity movements in the FRG Slobodian, 11 ff. Before that, influential groups like the SDS kept the focus of their internationalist activities on European colonialism and solidarity with the people of Algeria, Southern Africa and the Portuguese colonies ibidem : Often all these topics and regions were intermingled and seen as a general struggle against Western imperialism.
In his speech, the famous student activist Rudi Dutschke mentioned Portuguese colonialism and West German support for the Portuguese war effort. But by the end of the decade new groups had emerged alongside the radical left and in the student milieu in general. At the universities more young academics — especially those interested in Africa professionally — joined the protest against Portugal and its colonial policy.
Founded in , the Vereinigung von Afrikanisten in Deutschland VAD, Association of African Studies Scholars in Germany was witness to heated debates about its political positioning and that of academia in general.
Many VAD members actively participated in different solidarity movements and protests Brahm, 1 ff. The unwillingness of the West German and other European governments to put pressure on the Portuguese to end the colonial war was another mobilizing factor. Following a nationwide meeting of internationalist groups in Frankfurt in April , several information and donation campaigns were launched. As a first step of direct material support, solidarity groups collected donations of medical supplies and sent them to the liberation movements in Africa.
Support for and understanding of African liberation movements expressed by international religious organizations like the World Council of Churches WCC encouraged these developments. Christian solidarity groups passed resolutions demanding the heads of the Catholic and Protestant church to use their influence to support the independence of the Portuguese colonies in Africa. Activist groups had prepared information material about the liberation struggle in Lusophone Africa and asked churches nationwide to present it on Sunday, 23 September , to the congregants coming to mass.
Many bishops and church officials refused this initiative, as they objected to the legitimacy of armed liberation struggle. Some even expressed sympathy for the Portuguese cause. Events like this proved that there was only a certain group of mostly young activists with a Christian background who actively engaged in the solidarity movement, while the conservative majority and the leadership of the major churches in West Germany remained silent or even opposed the cause ibidem : 78 ff.
These internationalist activities were possible because the SPD was the opposition party and therefore able to act with less regard to international Cold War politics.
The CDU-controlled Ministry of Foreign Affairs hoped that a link to Roberto would secure West German influence in a possibly soon independent Angola, as he was considered to be a pro-Western anti-communist and supported by the US government. But the West German diplomats made clear that Roberto could not be officially received by the Ministry, out of respect for relations with Portugal.
The IG-Metall , for example, tried to mobilize Portuguese immigrant workers in West Germany to protest against the dictatorship and the war in Africa.
But growing public attention in the early s brought the topic back to the agenda. Due to the strong connections with the now governing SPD, the trade unions acted very cautiously in the field of internationalism. Owing to their anti-communist stance, itself a consequence of Cold War politics, trade unionists feared associating themselves too openly with Marxist liberation movements. As a result, their solidarity remained rhetorical in character, with the official position of the SPD always kept in mind Kuhn, 76; Lopes, The Cabora Bassa project in Mozambique became a focal point of the solidarity movement and the object of intense public criticism.
This infrastructural project was intended to not only produce electricity to export to Apartheid South Africa, but also create a natural obstacle against the advancing FRELIMO guerillas and more European settlements.
Cabora Bassa was financed with South African capital, with an international group of companies participating in the promising business. The involvement of West German companies was worth DM million and the government in Bonn issued export guarantees for more than DM million.
In , construction began and West German engineers worked alongside colleagues from 13 other countries and thousands of Mozambican day laborers. In January the student organization published informational material to draw attention to Cabora Bassa.
In Sweden, massive public opposition supported by members of the ruling social democratic party led to the withdrawal of the major Swedish electric company, ASEA, from the construction project. INFI started to address the construction project in Mozambique in May and the local SDS group at the University of Heidelberg became heavily involved in May , naming their frequent informational journal after the construction site Cabora Bassa-Blatt and opening an exhibition about the project Seibert, In June a development aid conference was held in Heidelberg.
The local protest groups in Heidelberg organized a protest march with to 1, participants that tried to reach the venue of the conference but was stopped by the police.
Stones and paint bombs were thrown and scuffles with police officers broke out. The forced shutdown of the Heidelberg SDS — which had been one of the last active local groups after the dissolution of the federal SDS in March — led to massive public protests in Heidelberg, with 10, people on the streets. The public protests successfully linked domestic and international matters and the broad press coverage informed the whole country about the opposition to Cabora Bassa apud Seibert, 84 ff.
In many cases activists were interested not only in the Portuguese colonies, but also in the situation in Apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia, thus combining regions and topics as well as audiences and activities ibidem : But in the early s, more and more young academics — many of them members of VAD — joined the Society and changed its political position. The journal Afrika heute Africa today in particular, which received federal funding, was influenced by sympathizers of the liberation movements and began to voice criticism against the governments in Lisbon and Bonn in nearly every issue.
The West German Ministry of Foreign Affairs feared that a big display of public opposition could damage relations with Portugal, which were already strained at this point Lopes, But the West German authorities created serious problems for the organizers by sabotaging their search for a venue in Bonn. Attendance by several African participants who were travelling to West Germany via Belgium was prevented by not issuing visas to them. Meanwhile, activists from more than 40 cities in West Germany and of diverse political backgrounds had joined the preparations for the event, creating numerous organizational problems.
The multitude of political and ideological positions — from Christian and development aid to solidarity and human rights, to pacifism, anti-imperialism and communism — made it difficult to reach common ground on basic decisions.
On 13 January , more than participants from 80 different organizations opened the congress in Dortmund, after 1, protesters had marched through the city. Eventually, the outcome of the event was hampered by ideological infighting. The behavior of the West German authorities, however, showed how repressively the SPD-led government reacted to domestic criticism. At the same time, the SPD government declared that it would continue its cooperation with Portugal, in order to ease rising tensions with Lisbon.
Further shipments for the MPLA were planned in , but were never realised due to the revolution in Portugal. In the wake of the Dortmund congress in early , a nationwide campaign collected funds to help build a hospital run by the MPLA and put together shipments of school materials as well as medical and transport equipment. The broad campaigns against Cabora Bassa helped to raise donations among the public, as mostly Maoist and communist groups turned to organizing material support Lopes, 71; Kuhn, Material aid showed clear ideological preferences.
When the Lusophone countries in Africa finally gained independence, in and , the activity of most solidarity groups came to a sudden end. Their support had focused on the struggle leading up to independence.
The social transformation and construction of independent nations sparked less interest among West German activists, and many solidarity groups saw a decline in the number of members and activities.
Some activists, however, carried on, and a few groups are still active today, as is the case with ISSA, for example. Overall, the military and economic cooperation between West Germany and Portugal was a focal topic of these information campaigns. The plan was to influence public opinion so as to force the government to change its policy.
Activists tried to approach policy makers directly as well. In mid, the AGM-Komitee published information material about a government-authorized business deal with a Portuguese ammunition factory. At the same time, the group wrote to the Foreign Ministry, and in the absence of a reply it called upon the Federal President of the FRG to complain about the deal Lopes, The mass marches in support of African liberation movements were not something experienced in major cities alone.
Even smaller university cities saw protest marches with 1, participants and developed lively activist settings. In Frankfurt, for example, the campaign against Cabora Bassa brought together left-wing students and engineers from the electronics company Siemens who opposed the participation of their employer in this project Seibert, In the early s, activists called to boycott companies participating in the construction project.
Whereas a campaign in the Netherlands to boycott coffee from Angola successfully led to a stop of imports by the union of Dutch coffee roasters in , the boycotts in West Germany failed because the targeted companies were too big and the movement itself too small. Although the boycott was not successful, the campaign attracted attention and a broad media echo.
Siemens took this very seriously and sent a five-page letter to every signatory of the call to boycott ibidem : 85 ff. Mail service was also used to carry the protest to the directors of West German companies doing business with Portugal, when activists called for the sending of thousands of protest postcards Kuhn, The writer and painter Peter Weiss wrote a play about the colonial war and West German cooperation with Portugal.
Weiss explicitly picked the theme of West German economic and military support for Portugal and the West German airbase that was built in Portugal in exchange Weiss, 57 ff. In May , F. In some cases the police were called to the scene to remove the activists. Nevertheless, the protest had a wide media impact Der Spiegel , a: 29ff. In , activists repeated the shareholder protest.
At Siemens they were allowed to voice their concerns but were cut off by the management.
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